The impact that the criminal presence today on the economic life island appears to be fundamentally linked to the activity criminal groups based mafia protection money . In fact, experts agree that among the various types of illegal activities that have a negative impact on the region, first in order of importance appears to be extortion activity, followed by wear, traffic and drug dealing, trade weapon, robbery.
Wear to is a r Lativa and news for the mafias or cci dental. This "sad ere" was not considered worthy of a man of honor, es Pesso bosses, according to a policy of defending the victims of usury type populist pressure to bear on moneylenders. Today, even prominent elements of the Cosa Nostra is dedicate this att Invite them that u p also be associated with dirty money laundering operations. Usury and extortion are the phenomena of undisputed fact (except for the reaction represented by some almost self-governing committees of the anti-racket traders, active mainly in the provinces directs them, and the recent establishment by the state of the post of National Commissioner Anti-racket ) that over time distorted local markets:
- the first is often the first step p er control processes on production, which then lead the acquisition of companies forced by the mafia, that companies are qu asi always governed by nominees;
- the second opens a channel of communication between entrepreneurs , small or large, and mafia, through which the operator Economic unscrupulous may enter into a relationship with the mafia family, obtaining in exchange for financial benefits such as supplies, ap Palti, positions of income, favoritism by public officials and concessions.
1993, after the massacres of '92, which hit the judges Falcone and Borsellino, and judicial proceedings of clean hands, which led to the end the so-called First Republic, with
the formation of new local councils and provincial, there were significant changes from the side of ap Palti public. Closed contracts, the procedures for certification of com taken, the action limited, or in ome cases zero, some form of negotiation over how the discretionary private treaty, and so on. helped to make great strides in terms of transparency and regularity. It must also take into account the impact on the situation of the Sicilian austerity policy determined by changes in domestic policy, which, by reducing the resources available, h to further contributed to this if ttore less attractive to the Mafia. There is, however, those who believe that the audit of public procurement is still widespread, although to a lesser extent than in the past, certainly it is less blatant and direct, as it uses forms of camuffamen to (sub-contracting, participation in "boxes Chinese "company formation" clean "ad hoc ). There is also a mechanism that can override the supervision by the most rigorous and well-meaning public officials, or that the so-called " shifts. It is based on an agreement between the several local entrepreneurs who can be interested in the procurement of public administration, agreement invariably provided by a Mafia group. Under this agreement, one company taking part in a tender, adj iudicandosela without having to perform reductions. At the next race will take part in another company, also alone, which will now be compensated for having abstained from the previous year. Afterwards it's up to turn to other companies, until they had all their parts. Obviously there are several variations of this mechanism that the Rendon or much more difficult to detect, for example the participation of more companies agreed to drop that should help win the race, etc.. 
Since the extra profits of the winner (not necessarily is the one that actually perform the work) will be taken to the boss who shares guaranteed lassegnazione dellappalto for officials complacent, for politicians who have did get the contract. As for the mafia on public works linfluenza else to say also that the construction of the Messina Bridge (which, if it is built, one of the most important works of the world) is a great source of income for the mafias in terms of profit but also of power, which has always been the reason it was giving the mafia. The economy-Mafia plot involves other productive sectors, especially trade, construction and finance. The banking sector in particular has played a crucial role: the political control of large regional banks like the Banco di Sicilia and Sicilcassa favored by large industrial groups participating in the triangular plot between perverse mafia-politics-business collusion in favor of employers and pests, and to the detriment of small and medium enterprises. The credit policy Terms and conditions brought in the course of time these institutions in situations of severe distress bank, which today, even after the intervention of the police and takeovers, force a policy of extreme caution in granting credit and rejection of the business risk further damage to healthy entrepreneurship. Especially in the retail sector, the credit tightening has not thrown a few players in the arms of wear (a problem as cited in his book, Tano Grasso U Pizzu and for which adequate measures have been taken, or new forms of Credit Trust).
The plot mafia-politics-business has led to very negative consequences for economic growth in Sicily, especially in the long term. Negative consequences were:
- the lack Programming in construction of infrastructure for the roads, for example, have not been implemented effectively where needed, but in territories controlled by mafia groups and / or where there were construction firms colluding;
- Failure to complete the public works (highways, water systems, local roads, dams, urban transport networks) which could in turn, if completed, be factors of economic and social development;
- the of infrastructure on a very low quality , which require continuous and costly maintenance and no do not provide full functionality (in some cases, it works almost unusable);
- the creation of an economy "addicted" based, not on entrepreneurship and competitiveness of companies, but the secret negotiations between entrepreneurs, politicians and mobsters, totally dependent on public money and likely to collapse as soon as the money is out;
- the birth of companies "false" , unable to survive outside market junkie, which produce goods and services at inflated prices and little or no competition, companies that also when they are kidnapped, you can not put on the market and create serious employment problems.
should take also into consideration what has been the policy of the State to trigger the development of the South, trying to get the local economy from stagnation. in the assessment of the policy of public intervention in the Mezzogiorno is appropriate to make distinctions.
If the long term and with specific regard to some social aspects of such an effect is undeniable positive (increase in income, infrastructure), it can not be On the other hand deny that the intervention had a significant impact in terms of economic growth of criminal activity. More generally, it could not get rid of social work and instrumental action is in fact unable to determine the outcome of development autopropulsivo.Il problem is, once again, that of relationship between political systems and organized crime : yes This is an intense relationship in the past and still exists, based on an identity of interests (on the one hand, the accumulation of social consensus and the accumulation of electoral and other economic resources and power) between two systems that are integrated into a variety of forms, from interpenetration of organic exchange permanent or occasional basis. This penetration would have a long history: there is even one who goes back to the last years of feudalism, which the customization of the perverse political relations on the whole island would be continued. As regards the manner of the report, the prevailing pattern seems to be that the negotiation between two systems (the political and the criminal) that were independent politician "buy" votes and the mob boss sells them. Not infrequently happens that a boss, unhappy with the offer of a politician in terms of protection, contracts, etc.. Enters into negotiations with other candidates, then dividing them between 2-3 of the package of votes controls. It 'difficult to believe, given the secrecy of the vote, the vote-buying in Sicily was based or relies on a mechanism of intimidation. It probably works through a network of common interests: the voter who votes according to the instructions of the boss or his associates would not do for fear, but for personal convenience (exchange of favors, expectation of benefits, business in town, etc.. ). It is certain that, at present, the situation seems in many respects in an interim phase: several signals are suspecting the search for new alliances between organized crime and political forces are not yet clear, and the possible structure of the future. Moreover, it is true that, in parallel to the earthquake brought to the island by the events of '92, '93, there was a significant redistribution of voting on a national basis, which also covered the island. New political subjects and new balances have forced criminal groups to review their electoral strategies. In more general discussion of public intervention in Sicily, a separate chapter is the problematic relationship with the public administration , and the Sicilian Region in particular, accused by many to represent a model of relations of patronage and allegiance not able to develop positive aspects of service for businesses and individuals characterized by inefficiency and functional development of forms of mediation managed by several outside parties, including the mafias.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tano Grasso, "U Lace '
Giovanni Falcone in collaboration with Marcelle Padovani," Cose Cosa Nostra "
www.svileg.censis.it (site main)
research work of Gaetano Di Stefano
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